
Inverted Specificational Pseudoclefts as Last Resort for Specificational Afterthoughts
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Abstract
Like languages like German and Dutch (Ott and de Vries 2016), English employs so-called specificational afterthoughts (SAs) (e.g., John met someone: Mary), where the appendix (i.e., Mary) appears at the right periphery of the host clause (i.e., John met someone) and is in a cataphoric relation with the correlate (i.e., someone). Under a bi-clausal approach, I assume two different underlying structures for the appendix: one that is syntactically parallel to the host clause (SPC) and the other that is an inverted specificational pseudocleft. Adopting van Craenenbroeck’s (2010) Last Resort logic for sluicing, I propose that English SAs are derived from SPCs as the first option and from inverted specificational pseudoclefts as a Last Resort option when the corresponding SPC is independently unavailable. In the analysis of English SAs, I provide a movement-and-deletion approach, according to which the construction is derived by focus movement and PF-deletion regardless of which of the two possible underlying structures for the appendix is involved.
Keywords:
specificational afterthoughts, inverted pseudoclefts, invisible last resort, focus movementAcknowledgments
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 94th Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America (LSA), held on January 2-5, 2020. I thank the audience and the two anonymous reviewers for their constructive criticisms and suggestions.
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